By William C.  Shelton

(The opinions and views expressed in the commentaries of The Somerville News belong solely to the authors of those commentaries and do not reflect the views or opinions of The Somerville News, its staff or publishers.)

Somerville‚Äôs favor/relationship-based political culture has outlived the social institutions and the rich fabric of relationships that once gave it vitality and effectiveness.  These same forces that dissolved our social institutions have changed the city‚Äôs population make-up.  But the populations that replaced those who once wove a strong community fabric have not, in turn, changed the political culture in ways that effectively respond to these new economic and social forces.

The first wave of replacements for the residents who migrated to the suburbs or job-rich locales was comprised of immigrants who arrived from Portugal in the 1960s. They had spent their adult lives living under a dictatorship that allowed scant opportunity to participate in government, much less vote.  Although they did not bring the habit of involving themselves in political life, they did successfully pull together to accomplish some specific victories, most notably, English as a Second Language and immigrant services.  They achieved this, not by challenging the political culture, but by working through it and building a relationship base centered in Ward 2.

At the same time, Somerville‚Äôs culture, ethnicity, and proximity drew neighbors from Boston‚Äôs West End who had been dispossessed of their own urban village at the end of the 1950s.  Many had become activists in attempting to save their homes and neighborhood from being razed to the ground. 

By 1969, many long-time Somerville residents shared a growing perception of governmental incompetence and corruption.  Catalyzed by these perceptions and the West Enders‚Äô activist sensibility, a reform movement elected Lester Ralph mayor.  Ralph opened the city‚Äôs books to the Boston Globe‚Äôs Spotlight Team, who did a series of articles exposing bid rigging and confirming voters‚Äô perceptions.

Some believe that Ralph‚Äôs brief successor, Tom August, represented a resurgence of the favor-based old guard.  Most agree that August‚Äôs successor, Gene Brune, managed city government with probity.  Yet, the underlying political culture did not change, in part, because some vibrancy then remained in the social institutions that lent vitality to that culture.  More importantly, culture is adaptive, but inertial.  It does not change until new players or new conditions force it to, and that did not, and has not, happened.

From the late 1970s to the early 90s, political violence and economic hardship brought immigrants to Somerville from Central America, the Caribbean, and Brazil.  Many remain ineligible to vote.  Most who are eligible are so preoccupied with the daily challenges of economic survival and family maintenance that they have little attention for politics.

Many of the people who make their living as professionals and have moved to Somerville in the last decade or so, bring expectations of the political process that are at odds with Somerville‚Äôs favor/relationship-based political culture.  In their view, government should identify the key problems facing the jurisdiction, review all available evidence to craft solutions, and then work to implement these solutions as cost-effectively as possible.  Favored political candidates are those who are most persuasive of their ability to do this.

While this view is antagonistic to a political culture that is based on who is ‚Äúwith‚Äù whom, these newcomers have had little impact on that culture.    Nor are they likely to in the near future.

Most remain inert with regard to local politics.  The larger part of their attention and their identity is focused on their careers.  They form social relationships related to work more often than to neighbors or community. 

The most common reason why newcomers first get involved with city government is because of concerns regarding their children‚Äôs education.   But only 15% of Somerville households now have kids in public schools.

Consistent with their focus on careers and personal relationships that are external to Somerville, their information sources tend to be regional rather than local.  Sean Fitzgerald, the Gay administration‚Äôs communications officer, began to target regional media more than had previous administrations.  The Curtatone administration has perfected this.  So, while many of Somerville‚Äôs old guard perceive Mayor Curtatone as representing their interests, his public relations staff has successfully positioned him in the regional media as a young Progressive who is transforming Somerville‚Äôs political culture. 

When these newcomers‚Äô information regarding Somerville politics comes from lived experience and local sources, they tend to perceive an incestuous local political culture that is becoming less able to tolerate dissent and use conflict as an engine for innovation.  They perceive a city on the fiscal edge.  Others, whose information comes from regional sources, perceive an innovative city government and a mayor who is a public entrepreneur, leading the city to fiscal stability.   

For decade after decade, property tax was the most potent issue in Somerville politics.  As we will see, the proportion of the population who feel this pain is declining, even as taxes, water charges, fees, and fines are increasing.

To be continued